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Jahnson

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Jahnson last won the day on July 12 2018

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  1. Official Statements from the Office of Representative Gabriel Tucker (D-NY-28)
  2. *Groans and boos can be heard from every corner of VGS* Gabriel Tucker (D-NY-28) Avatar: Phil Ochs Political Party: Democratic Faction: Progressive Seat Held: NY-28 Date of Birth: March 17th, 1949 Place of Birth: Tulsa, OK Place of Residence: Ithaca, NY Race/Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Religious Affiliation: Methodist (non-practicing) Family Information Wife: Liz Tucker (nee Moynihan) m. 1973 Education Informational Cornell University – Industrial Labor Relations (1967-1971) Occupational History: Organizer – United Auto Workers (1971-1979) Organizer – Communication Workers of America (1979-1983) Organizer – Jesse Jackson for America (1983-1984) Tompkins County Legislature (1985-1987) United States House of Representatives, NY-28 (1987-Present) Biography: Gabriel Tucker was born to a working class family in Tulsa, Oklahoma. While his family materially benefited from the United States post-War economic boom, his father – like many of his generation – emerged from the conflict traumatized by the horrors he participated in and witnessed in the Pacific. Gabriel never forged much of a relationship with his distant, short-tempered father, nor his quiet, preoccupied mother. As such, Gabriel used the possibility of a college education as an excuse to get as far away from home as possible. Despite having good, but not great grades – a naturally bright, student who rarely applied himself – he gained admission to Cornell’s School of Industrial Labor Relations. There, during his first chilly Ithaca fall, he developed a taste for political activism. Outraged by the daily atrocities wrought by the United States in Vietnam, he became active in the Anti-War movement, attending marches, pickets, and most importantly – organizing meetings. During his time at Cornell, Gabriel joined a multitude of Anti-War campus groups including Students for a Democratic Society, which he later left due to his frustration with factional disputes and ineffective organizing. It was in this activist context that Gabriel met his future wife, Liz. His college activist experience reached a climax in Chicago of 1968 where he and countless other protesters were brutalized by police outside of the Democratic National Convention. Following his graduation in the Spring of 1971 began work as an organizer for the United Auto Workers, who were willing to overlook his radical college ties due to his charisma and organizing experience (his Ivy League degree certainly didn’t hurt). At the UAW he confronted the challenges of stagflation and an ascendant neoliberal economic order, which ultimately eroded workers’ living standards, quality of life, and prompted plant closures – and ultimately lead to the loss of his job, as the UAW cut its organizing staff in light of declining membership. Gabriel was able to land an organizing position at a Communication Workers of America New York local where he worked until he received an offer to work for the Jesse Jackson 1984 Presidential Campaign. Gabriel had always been wary of electoral politics, and was skeptical of the Democratic Party, an organization that co-opted, neutered, and then tossed aside social movements, by its very nature, but was so inspired by Jackson’s transcendent message, and embrace of the description as a “movement candidate” that hit the ground running as a campaign organizer. Bitter and (once again) disillusioned by the political process following Jackson’s defeat in the fight for the nomination, Gabriel returned home to Tompkins County. There, after weeks of resentment, burn-out, and disenchantment, Liz and a few of his college activist comrades convinced him to channel his frustration into a campaign for the County Legislature. He ran an insurgent campaign in which he focused on re-invigorating the local labor movement, improving health care for low income residents, coupled with a nice touch of Reagan-bashing. He won an improbable victory by a margin of 13 votes. In office he was active on labor and health issues, but made a name for himself by drafting a series of controversial resolutions denouncing American foreign policy in Latin America and elsewhere. His opponents and the local papers labeled them “vanity projects” and lambasted him as an “anti-American pinko” citing his college days. Negative publicity was publicity nonetheless, and Gabriel soon garnered a small, but passionate following of left-activists throughout the region, who convinced him to run a long-shot campaign in 1986 for Congress against long-time incumbent Matt McHugh, who they believed to be too close with GOP “good-old boys” and the Reagan Admin. Gabriel’s campaign was aided by a series of stumbles by McHugh – who had not run against a serious challenger in more than a decade, rendering his campaigning rusty and his messaging somewhat out of touch. Gabriel campaigned aggressively in favor of a National Health Service, workers’ rights, opposition to Reagan’s interventionist foreign policy, as well as criticizing McHugh’s less-than-progressive record in the House. Additionally, he utilized his growing, passionate base of support to organize an comprehensive ground game – with volunteers door knocking and tabling in every part of the 28th District. He eked out a slim victory in the primary by less than one hundred votes – an upset that shocked the conscience of many party insiders and political pundits. Given the partisan lean of the district, he cruised to victory in the 1986 general. In Congress, Gabriel has sat on the margins of his caucus, generally ally-less. Despite his bombastic reputation, he generally has been cordial to party leadership and hasn’t challenged ideological opponents within his party, preferring instead to focus on his pet issues and messaging to his narrow base.
  3. Bread and Roses Magazine On Path to Forge an Equitable, Just Society the Democratic Budget is Far From Bold A far cry from the radical manifesto that the right portrays it as, or an “ambitious” agenda as the mainstream media proclaims it, the budget proposal currently being debated by Congress is a typical exercise in Democratic Party self-compromise. To achieve a genuinely free and fair society, the left must demand more. By Janette Pettis The American left perked up as the ink dried on the LeClavers’ Administration’s budget, including within it, the Democratic Party’s first major series of policy initiatives since the inauguration. The hope of the left was fleeting, however, as despite the denunciation of the budget by right wing politicians like Bob Smith of Wyoming due to its supposed “socialist values”, in addition to the mainstream press’ suspiciously quick labeling of the proposal as “ambitious”, analyzing the actual details of the budget reveals nothing more than the perpetuation of the Democratic Party’s forte in recent years: internal compromise for the sake of compromise. This isn’t to say that the Democratic Budget doesn’t represent an improvement. It is certainly better than the cruel and inhumane conditions that decades of austerity as entrenched policy and unfettered market exploitation have forced marginalized communities to endure. Augmenting the way that inflation is calculated for Social Security and a public health care option are doubtlessly preferable to leaving the elderly shortchanged in their retirement and working families bankrupted by exorbitantly priced premiums. But the proposals included within the budget clearly don’t represent an ideologically socialist-driven policy, as much as the right may claim, and as much as the American socialist left may yearn for. However, the tried and true right wing response of defining everything that climbs out of Democratic factory-eque “think tanks” and into the Congressional hopper as “socialistic” can serve as a lesson for the Democratic Party. A lesson that, if properly applied, can facilitate the uplifting of countless marginalized Americans, suffering under the callous neoliberal tide that has dominated American economic action for decades. If every initiative a Democratic politician proposes is “socialism” in the right’s mind, then why should Democrats self-compromise? Sure, a public option may allow self-anointed policy wonks in the DC metropolitan area to nod their heads in collective appreciation over how precise a market intervention it constitutes, or fawn over the nuance associated with milquetoast-esque tinkering with a fundamentally flawed health care system - one so egregiously heartless that it propels more Americans into bankruptcy than any other facet of economic life. They may hum to the tune of student debt-relief aid as tuition and fees skyrocket for universities that previous generations benefitted from for effectively zero tuition. But, if the Heritage Foundation modeled Affordable Care Act and a public option are “socialism” what more can the right claim Medicare for All is? The same is true for other popular, bold proposals that will uplift those currently struggling because of an economic system structured against them. Free Public Tuition. A Federal Jobs Guarantee. The repeal of Taft-Hartley. An American adaptation of the Italian Marcora Law that promotes workplace democracy. Ideas that make mainstream pundits sneer but that resonate with millions of working families struggling to get by while they see billionaires earn more than most Americans can even fathom, overnight. The possibilities of enacting genuinely ambitious policies that will offer a future to those presently deprived of one are boundless - thanks, in part to the right’s liberal usage of the word socialism. It would be criminal for the American left (both operating inside and outside the infrastructure of the Democratic Party) to not seize advantage of it. Strategically, the peril of self-compromise cannot be understated. By commencing with a moderated position in a divided government, the Democratic Party has ensured that when the final product hits President LeClavers’ desk it will be even more neutered. Again, this may please “experts” and wonks, but it won’t inspire people to knock on doors, phonebank, organize, and perform all of the other forms of labor necessary at the grassroots level to win during the midterms. Embracing policies like Medicare for All, on the contrary, demonstrate a party ready to fight for the many, a party that refuses to capitulate to the interests of the elite, a party that doesn’t simply aspire to win for the sake of winning, but one that authentically cares about real America - working class folks that have seen wages stagnate while productivity has skyrocketed, who have been told to make more with less, who have been abandoned for far too long by both major parties. These are incredibly polarized times, rife with extreme wealth inequality and accompanying social injustice. A new Gilded Age. Given that fact, long term power cannot be viewed as a tenable goal for the left, nor should it be. Instead, it should strive to enact policies that tangibly benefit working people, policies that people can observe help them in their daily lives. When the right inevitably takes power and attempts to strip real Americans of those benefits for the express benefit of the oligarchy, they’ll find it isn’t so easy. If the Democratic Party provides a glimpse of life outside a paradigm of yachts and mansions for the elite and shacks for the poor, they’ll find that those at the bottom of a rigged system won’t look back. Correction: A previous version of this article included a mispelling of the president's name. It has been updated.
  4. Bread and Roses Magazine LATEST NEWS - SUBSCRIBE - ABOUT US
  5. Bread and Roses Magazine Bread and Roses Magazine was established in the fall of 2016 by New School Associate History Professor Caleb “Cal” Houston and longtime labor organizer Janette Pettis with the intent of covering the crisis of neoliberalism, the labor movement, and current affairs from a democratic socialist perspective. Based in Brooklyn,Bread and Roses Magazine aspires to connect with a leftist audience, dissatisfied with a perpetually rightward-shifting political discourse and the hollowing out of the American left within mainstream labor and political vehicles. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Not sure if I am leaving anything out for a media bio - let me know, thanks!
  6. House Democratic Caucus Whip: Level 3 Aye
  7. Welp, looks like I'm Majority Whip now...
  8. Jahnson

    Committee Requests

    Name: Kurt Wenzel State & District: OR-4 Committee Preference: Policy Willing to serve as Chair: No, spread the IVS wealth
  9. Please post below within the next 48 hours to be included in the PM Whip thread. We will be adhering to the level 1-5 whip system as described in Lloth's IVS rules, with a level 1 whip constituting a free vote. If a vote is labeled a 4 or 5 whip please contact me if you have qualms with voting in the manner suggested by the party before you cast your vote. To start off, on the HR 1, the Rules ( http://virtualgovernment.us/topic/1617-final-vote-hr-1-rules-of-the-us-house-of-representatives/ ) Level 3 Aye.
  10. Whoaaa, happy I stumbled upon this! Love the inclusion of the absolute boi Steadman.
  11. Jahnson

    HMW: Nominations

    If nobody else is genuinely interested, I suppose I'll step up and accept.
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